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ireland, irish, ulster, belfast, northern ireland, british, loyalist, nationalist, republican, unionist

From Civil Rights to Armalites

(Michael Morgan, Irelandclick.com)

From Civil Rights To Armalites: Derry And The Birth Of The Irish Troubles
Second Edition
Niall O'Dochartaigh

This is the second edition of Niall O'Dochartaigh's much acclaimed study of the escalation of conflict in Derry between October 1968 and 1972.

When it first appeared in 1997 I foresaw it becoming one of the key texts on the Troubles, and its status will undoubtedly continue to grow, especially as this second paperback edition comes in at an affordable price. O'Dochartaigh gives us a finely detailed, meticulous analysis of how violent conflict escalated on the streets of Derry: how 'march gave way to gas gave way to sten' as Seamus Heaney put it in his marvellous poem, 'Whatever you say say nothing'.

What O'Dochartaigh is offering is a description of how widely differing political and social forces within the crucible that was Derry in these years interrelated or sometimes didn't, and how this process of confrontation and initial clashes shifted over time to become a virtually self-sustaining cycle of violence – a situation 'where occasions of violent confrontation play a crucial role in promoting the escalation and continuation of conflict'.

This is an outline of a sociological model of escalation, a welcome addition to our understanding not only in NI but which is applicable to other situations, especially to Iraq. Much of what the Americans have been doing seems precisely what the British did in Derry over 30 years ago. The scale is much worse, however. Fallujah has witnessed dozens of Bloody Sundays. The amazing thing is that they are surprised at the scale of the insurgency they themselves have largely created.

Putting O'Dochartaigh's book on the US army reading list might not be a bad idea.
This second edition has been extended to include a new chapter on the planning of Bloody Sunday and how the development of the military operation for that day, Operation Forecast, ran counter to what had been a relatively successful police management of the crisis, based on an extensive though informal network of contacts established between the nationalist community and the local RUC Chief Superintendent in Derry, Frank Lagan. Lagan ('himself a Roman Catholic' as liberal unionists used to say).

This system of contact and negotiation proved itself over and over through 'not allowing a situation to become a situation', as they say in the vocabulary of conflict resolution. But Lagan was not without his critics. His style was one of conflict management, basically a police operation, and based on negotiation and compromise between tacitly recognised forces. This was anathema to General Sir Robert Ford and behind him the Stormont government for whom state authority was not a matter of negotiation or compromise with outside forces.

It was Ford who insisted on a direct confrontational approach in Derry. Even if he planned Operation Forecast as a 'scoop' operation against rioters he may well have conceived of it as a generally punitive operation against what he termed the 'Bogside community' – meaning Derry nationalists. The fact of making a large-scale military operation against massed civilians was the direct cause of the massacre.

But Ford could not have pushed through Operation Forecast without political backing both from the Unionists at Stormont and from the Heath Government at Westminster. Yet, even after all the deliberations of the Saville Unquiry, no documentation of political discussion of Ford's plan at NI or UK level has been found. Maybe it never will…

May 2, 2007
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This article appeared first on the Irelandclick.com web site on March 31, 2005.

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