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ireland, irish, ulster, ireland, irish, ulster, Sinn Fein, Irish America

Police reform gamble paying off

(by Brian Walker, Belfast Telegraph)

The pictures of Gerry Kelly of the broken hand holding back furious republicans at Ardoyne on the Twelfth night will live as one of the images of our time. The Chief Constable's response might have been as memorable if he had talked on TV. Hugh Orde was genuinely grateful to Kelly for "saving the necks of the outnumbered police officers and soldiers," I hear. But hopes of a wonderful new relationship between police and Provos are premature. Kelly remains a leading opponent of Sinn Féin's joining the Policing Board, according to Orde.

The Ardoyne flashpoint showed all too clearly the dangers of Wild West policing for everyone, yet narrow politicking on policing and parades continues. If the DUP's refusal to talk directly to Sinn Féin is a big problem, so is Sinn Féin's refusal to talk to the police. The SDLP's wobble over remaining on the Policing Board showed poor judgement before wiser counsels prevailed.

Each side has its own sticking points holding back progress. Sinn Féin seem to require full devolution of justice and policing powers before they engage with Orde. Orde himself will not easily budge from refusing to allow the nine remaining border watchtowers to be dismantled until he's convinced that the IRA is standing down. To avoid outflanking by Sinn Féin, the SDLP sometimes demand even-handedness too inflexibly. The DUP and the Unionists are resisting key reforms like the closure of symbolic but redundant police stations like Andersonstown and are balking at scrapping the police reserve. A clash on the reserve's future looks likely when the Patten force level of 7,500 is reached soon and Orde at last pronounces the regular PSNI fit for the job, after less than five years of 50:50 recruitment.

Orde is making sweeping cultural changes too, directing a reformed and integrated Special Branch away from "intelligence gathering in order to break up groups and save people's lives," to "intelligence gathering to lock people up." Police techniques for analysing available evidence have improved so much that he has hopes of a prosecution case on Omagh by the end of the year. He also wants to see tougher extortion laws for tracking money laundering scams and longer sentences from judges who are thought of as too remote from the community's real needs.

But fundamentally, the old story hasn't changed. The grip of paramilitary criminals will not relax without "evidence, evidence and more evidence" and too many people are as unwilling or as frightened as ever to talk to the police. Full public consent for the police remains a pipe dream.

As a high flyer with at least one big promotion left in him, our 45-year-old Chief Constable is speaking out as lot more. "Deal with the past or the present - which?" is a challenge Orde has issued to all comers for drawing a line under the Troubles. Orde clearly wants to see a much bolder initiative than Paul Murphy's idea of relying on "telling the stories" of victims. Ideally a general amnesty would let security forces and paramilitaries alike off the hook, with 1998 the year of the Agreement, taken as year zero. But that formula seems too crude. For all parties to agree, an eventual amnesty might require a special prosecutor going through all 2,000 cold cases, with a time limit for prosecutions set by a Statute of Limitations. In such a climate, the police ombudsman's powers for investigating the police past would go.

Putting police reform at the top of the agenda was a gamble that's starting to pay off; it's one area not completely blighted by political deadlock. But the police cannot succeed on their own. Other elements of justice and security have to fall into line. The end of the Stevens investigations has to be in sight. The Cory public inquiries including Finucane must proceed and stand as the last of their kind. MI5's role must be defined and open to scrutiny. The paramilitaries must acknowledge that their narrow definition of ceasefire is no longer tenable. And that admission must be their last major act as active paramilitary organisations before ceasing all operations. It's an agenda full of pitfalls, but nothing less will do.

July 25, 2004
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This article appeared in the July 22, 2004 edition of the Belfast Telegraph.

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