Ballymena loyalists commemorated those who sought equality between Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter in 1798. Young unionists have also celebrated the life of a local Presbyterian United Irishman executed at Ballynure, Co Antrim. My father-in-law, a descendant of a Reformed Presbyterian survivor of the Battle of Ballynahinch, saw no contradiction whatever between his loyalism and his United Irish heritage.
In the early 1970s, right-wing unionists actually accused loyalists of being United Ulstermen in the tradition of '98 because they expressed left-of-centre views and favoured political change. They were castigated as traitors and Lundies for questioning inherited wisdom. They specifically espoused the need for a society in which Catholic and Protestant would be treated equally.
Was this not suspiciously close to the notion of the abolition of the designations 'Protestant', 'Catholic' and 'Dissenter' in favour of 'Irishman'? Like their United Irish predecessors, these loyalists rejected the ascendancy of any religion.
Last month, according to David Rose of the PUP, Irish nationalists were affronted at loyalists celebrating the United Irish tradition in Ballymena. A hoax bomb warning disrupted the proceedings.
Questioning traditional assumptions raises too many uncomfortable issues for those who prefer the security of their respective orthodoxies. Carmel Hanna found the idea of loyalists claiming the mantle of Henry Joy McCracken "bizarre" and suggests the word "loyalist" means "loyal to the British Crown and connection".
There could, it seems, be no common ideals between those loyal to the Crown and those who still regard England as the source of all our political evils. Yet suspicion about the intentions of particular British governments has often coincided with devotion to 'the Britain way of life'. Ulster Unionists once set up a provisional government, formed an army and threatened war against the British paradoxically to secure the liberty they associate with membership of the United Kingdom. Nor are all unionists monarchists.
Some are republicans, albeit British republicans, while others value constitutional monarchy as a source of stability in a world where instability is the order of the day.
A UDA spokesman once stated that their loyalty was primarily to the people of Northern Ireland. Thus they could advocate Ulster independence while proclaiming undying loyalty to the people of Ulster. This is no more "bizarre" than Arthur Griffith promoting dual monarchy in the name of republicanism.
All our traditions represent flawed attempts to make sense of the past while leaving contradictions everywhere.
In Ireland, Catholic United Irishmen in Wexford massacred Protestants while Catholic militiamen fought Presbyterian United Irishmen in parts of the north. In modern times the IRA followed the same tradition by engaging in decades of violence against fellow Irishmen, also in the name of liberty. Nationalists claim that Irish unity is best for the people of Ireland but the Irish state failed to "cherish all the children of the nation equally".
Unionists also, in attempting to ensure their survival, created a state that failed to heed Edward Carson's call to seek justice for all.
Both traditions share similar ideals but sectarianism has undermined these ideals.
It seems almost absurd to refer to 1798 as a 'tradition' because it represents a radical movement for change in a particular context. Just because the resentments of 1798 led some to demand complete separation from England does not mean that people following those ideals should continue to reject links with the other island and/or with Europe.
The Good Friday Agreement was an attempt to accommodate both traditions and finally to remove the need for physical force.
Today the most fitting tribute to the men of '98 would be a complete stop to coercion and violence for political ends and the building of a peaceful, inclusive society.
People's lives are more important than the political ideals that too often damage and exclude others.