The release of Cabinet Papers in the new year served to heighten the idea that this is a time for reflection. However, there seems to be a different atmosphere now than there was in the years before 1972. In those days many attended what were termed Watch Night Services to see in the new year in a spirit of sober reflection upon past and future. The dominant approach now seems to be to participate in various forms of lavish entertainment, which leave little room for reflection. The Cabinet Papers reinforce what we already knew about 1972. It was a horrific year and what makes it so poignant is that many people knew then that things could be better.
Senior loyalists told me they recognised the need to end violence and negotiate a settlement. Some republicans were of a similar mindset but it was too early for most to seriously consider new ways of accommodating difference. The British government knew we faced a very serious crisis and were prepared to consider radical boundary changes that could have sparked that which we feared most – full civil war in Ulster. Some republicans still thought violence could achieve a British withdrawal and that unionists would easily be brought to heel. They had doubted that unionists would resort to violence and refused to contemplate the reality that unionists did not wish to be part of a single Irish state.
The demise of Stormont, however, strengthened scepticism about the British government's willingness to stand by commitments to maintain the union. Yet unionists remained stubbornly defiant despite the lack lustre performance of some self-styled leaders of 'Protestant Ulster'. The main lesson of those days is that both unionist and nationalist traditions had to be accommodated. The Good Friday Agreement was built upon such an accommodation though too often it is presented as a vehicle for strengthening one or other tradition.
Some unionists still hanker for an exclusively British Ulster while many nationalist spokespersons promote a united Irish Ireland. Bairbre de Brun suggests that Irish language promotion is as important as the provision of housing or employment. This is reminiscent of the flags issue and of the words of Ian Paisley about tightening our belts and eating grass rather than compromising. Symbolic matters are presented as the stuff of life itself.
This illustrates the real problems of this society. The conflict, as Ian Paisley once said is somehow about 'our very being'. Frank Wright put it better when he said that some issues were about everything and nothing at the same time. Sometimes we want what others seem to have for no other reason than that they seem to have it. But cultural issues should be always be seen for what they are, secondary to basic needs like food, housing and employment. We can't eat flags, live on parades or survive solely on cultural and linguistic activities. There is of course truth in the saying of Jesus that 'Man shall not live by bread alone'. When human relationships go wrong life can loose it's meaning, but there is also truth in Karl Marx's thinking that the economy is basic to human existence. We can only survive with a roof over our heads, food on the table and a fire in the grate.
Perhaps we in this part of the world have become too self-obsessed. We have had it too good and assume we can afford the 'luxury' of squabbling over these peripheral things? Beyond this island people are suffering and dying for a lack of basic sustenance while we destroy the environment. We are contemplating international war and desolation while at home serious risks are to be taken with the political institutions of Northern Ireland. Perhaps we should spend more time reflecting upon the kind of world and society we want to share together.
It was believed that in settling our ancient quarrel we would give hope to other war torn peoples and perhaps begin to take some responsibility for world problems. We also expected to be able to create a better life for our young people at home. But sectarianism has yet to be seriously tackled.
We need to start reforming our divided educational system that perpetuates suspicion and distrust. We also need to take seriously the problems of street crime, drug dealing, violence and hopelessness in the ghettoes, as well as giving people a wider vision about the role we could play in shaping a better world.
It is too easy to become diverted and obsessed with Mr Wright's issues of everything and nothing. Few seem ready to change the way we live in order to foster a more humane, sustainable and equitable world.
