In the recent past, meetings of the Ulster Unionist Council were presented as events of major political significance.
These days, anyone who is not actually involved as a participant tends to stifle a yawn at the thought of yet another round of unionist soul-searching.
As the latest gathering in Belfast's Ulster Hall proved yet again at the weekend, David Trimble retains the support of a majority of Ulster Unionist members as party leader.
The margins concerned may not be large, but, barring a dramatic change of circumstances, are plainly not capable of being overturned by Mr Trimble's internal opponents.
On Saturday, just as he has done on 11 previous occasions since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Mr Trimble managed to secure the backing of between 52 and 56% of delegates.
The figure of 55.2% which he achieved in favour of his motion calling on the three rebel Ulster Unionist MPs to retake the party whip was actually one of his strongest votes to date.
However, within minutes of the announcement, Jeffrey Donaldson, Martin Smyth and David Burnside predictably made it clear that they would be ignoring the result.
Mr Donaldson and his associates have refused to accept the verdict of every previous Ulster Unionist Council sitting, so at least they cannot be accused of inconsistency.
Their only tactic seems to be perpetually seeking to mount yet another challenge to Mr Trimble in the hope that their luck might improve the next time round.
Unless the Ulster Unionist Party gets its act together, this bizarre process, which has already stumbled along since 1998, could endure for years to come.
Mr Trimble needs to force through structural reforms which will allow him to impose his authority on his party.
He could then get on with the business of negotiating with other political leaders to finalise a formula for the restoration of devolved government.
Ulster Unionist Council members could then offer their opinions on his policies and performance on an annual basis, as is the norm within practically every other party in Ireland and Britain.
If he retains his majority, he would be able to steer his party unhindered in the direction of his choice. Should he be defeated, then Ulster Unionists would have to re-group under a new leader.
That is how politics usually works, and there is no reason why the Ulster Unionist Party should not follow a similar approach.
