When Sinn Féin gathered in January last in the historic Mansion House in Dublin at the beginning of our centenary year, we made it clear that this year was about more than simply celebrating 100 years of Sinn Féin.
It was to be about education and debate. It was about the repopularising of republicanism. It was about learning the lessons of a century of struggle.
It was also about taking pride in what we are about. And what we have achieved.
But most important of all the year was about Sinn Féin taking more decisive steps forward toward our goal of a united, free and independent Ireland; a national representative democracy where all constituencies in our society get their say.
Over the past century Sinn Féin has been an idea, a name, a federation of political societies, a national independence movement, a republican campaigning organisation.
And, in 2005, Sinn Féin is the only all-Ireland political party and the fastest-growing party in the country.
The tragic fate of Parnell had shown the limits of a so-called constitutional nationalism that de-pended on the good will of British political parties or British governments to grant as concessions the inalienable rights of the Irish people.
The most important principle of Sinn Féin was self-reliance. Only the people of this island can secure our liberation and mould our society to suit our unique heritage, our character, our economic needs and our place in the wider world. And that is still true today.
Following the launch of our campaign earlier this year to get the Irish government to bring forward a Green Paper on Irish unity, we have seen the opening up of the debate right across the island.
The government is reinstating the commemoration for the Easter Rising, Fine Gael are celebrating the 100th anniversary of Sinn Féin and last month we had the first ever debate on Irish unity in the Dail.
The SDLP appear to have dropped the nonsense of post-nationalism and now say they are for Irish unity.
But Irish unity must be more than an aspiration or an objective. If we are serious we need to work together towards Irish unity and we must work to a strategy for its achievement. To do otherwise is no more than to pay lip service to the issue.
This means generating a genuine engagement with the unionist community. Those of us who support Irish unity need to listen to and address their concerns.
From the beginning in 1905 Sinn Féin extended a hand of friendship to unionists, while always asserting that the end of the Union was in the interests of all the people of this island.
The Sinn Féin policy as outlined by Arthur Griffith at the first convention in the Rotunda in November 1905 stated: "For the Orangeman of the North, ceasing to be the blind instrument of his own as well as his fellow-countrymen's destruction, we have the greeting of brotherhood as for the Nationalist of the South, long taught to measure himself by English standards and save the face of tyranny by sending Irishmen to sit impotently in a foreign legislature whilst it forges the instruments of his oppression."
By planning for Irish unity and by demonstrating that unification can lead to a better society for all the people of Ireland, nationalists will go far in persuading many unionists that they can have a secure future in a new, united Ireland. The Irish and British governments have spoken of the benefits of an all-Ireland economy – they need to follow through on this.
Partition is an absurdity in social, political, economic, cultural and democratic terms. The island of Ireland is a viable and dynamic economic and political entity. The six-county state is not.
The all-Ireland aspects of the Good Friday Agreement need to be strengthened and built upon.
The Irish government needs to bring forward a Green Paper on Irish unity. They should be initiating and sustaining a planned programme of all-Ireland social and economic development which aims to remove the obstacles created by partition, strengthen the links between the people in all parts of Ireland and integrate the economy and society.
The Irish government should maximise the participation of Irish citizens living in the north in the democratic life of the nation. Sinn Féin has concrete proposals in this regard relating to having a vote in presidential elections to participate in debates and representation in the Oireachtas. We will continue to campaign on these issues.
Sinn Féin is setting out our vision of an inclusive Ireland – an Ireland where diversity is valued and the greatest possible participation of the people of the island in the civil and political life of the country is a primary objective.
Republicanism is about much more than reuniting Ireland. It is about equality for all the people of Ireland in ever-growing diversity and utilising the resources of the country in the interests of all of us who live here.
1905 was a time of renewal and rebirth in Ireland and Sinn Féin was the political expression of that new confidence. There was a coming together of republicans, nationalists, the Labour movement, the Women's Suffrage movement, the Gaelic League. If Irish unity is to be achieved we need to see the coming together of all those who want to bring it about.
As we carry the name of Sinn Féin into the 21st century, and after a century of struggle, we are preparing for success. We know as the leading nationalist party in the north and the largest pro-Agreement party that there are huge responsibilities on us. We are up to the task. But we cannot achieve this alone.
So, let us join with those in other parties and none, who share our vision of a new Ireland. Let us ask them to walk with us; to work with us; to move forward with us toward the republican and democratic goals of unity, equality and freedom.
